Its best to think of cyberspace as being structured in three interdependent macro-layers. The first is the physical layer, which revolves around infrastructure that enables a network of connectivity to be established: the datacentres that host LLMs, servers and most the various types of cables used to power low voltage data cabinets to large intercontinental fibre optics controlled by nation states. The second is the logical layer: protocols, languages, information systems. And the last, the semantic or cognitive layer, refers to all the applications in direct contact with the user.
"The Internet has thus become a new arena for influence, confrontation, and power relations between different world powers.” Today, its ubiquitous use and the wealth of data it generates make it a target of warfare – even a weapon. “This process of militarisation of cyberspace has made it the 5th dimension of conventional warfare (the first 4 being: land, sea, sky and space" - Asma Mhalla
The three macro-layers have become targets for the military strategies of states. Take for example, Russia is attacking the infrastructure (physical layer) to cut off the Internet, or at least disrupt it. Additionally many accuse Russia of having redirected the Ukrainian network to its own network, with the aim of recovering data (logical layer). Finally, the Kremlin’s influence on applications in direct contact with the user (semantic layer) allows it to shape cognition.
The Ukrainian front has shown that Russia is developing its own informational sovereignty, this can be seen in various pieces of legislation issued by the Kremlin over the past decade. The law “On the creation of a sovereign Internet”, adopted in November 2019, is the most significant with regards to the Russian Splinternet RuNet.
Today, the omnipresent use of the internet and the wealth of data it generates make it a target of warfare – even a weapon. This process of militarisation of cyberspace has made it the 5th dimension of conventional warfare (the first 4 being: land, sea, sky and space). The three macro-layers have become targets for the military strategies of states.
With the Splinternet formation having accelarated on three fronts (China, Russia and Iran), albeit each at varying degrees. The rise of GAE's technofeudalist was the natural course following on from the death of liberalism.
One of the most significant legacies of the Trumpian Age is the emergence of a new class of technofeudal elites who rose at the forefront of empire with a disdain of the boomer ruling class. A previous generation who have become out of touch and relics of the past. The technocratic elite in the GAE sees himself as a vital pillar of society, who has ensured American predominance in the last twenty years whilst the old boomer class who have lost war after war, burning resources and the prestige of empire. Hence, he sees he has the right to rule. The inaugration of Trump was coronation of the technoelite and the Network State.
In one of his lectures, Prof Jiang notes that one of the signs of a dying empire is the oversaturation of elites, where every 10 years a new class appears to deepen internal division.
The traditional politician now finds himself regulated to a project manager role, managing and ensuring new colonial projects are available for the tech elite, whilst entreching tech giants deeper within the military industrial complex and traditional institutions see Palantir, Amazon)
As the rift between the US and Europe deepens over Ukraine and other GAE policies that aims to regionalise empire at the old continent's expense, we see Europe waking up to the fact that dependancy will lead to complete loss of sovereignty. In contrast to the US, Europe seeks to secure any semblance of sovereignty through a legislative splinternet built upon open source. An example of this has been the German state of Schleswig-Holstein which is currently in the process of a full migration away from Microsoft products in its public administration. With the UK being absorbed into GAE's central network and Russia's annexation of Ukraine into RuNet, we see that unlike the centuries of old, the rupture of empire in the 21st century is done through cyberspace as it is the arena in which war is now fought in.
Hui's cybertechnics, guiding the development of a decentralised splinternet by linking both Islam and geography whilst playing the geopolitical game of balancing between the Western and Eastern blocs will be vital at compounding digital sovereignty. Cybertechnics will invite us to think deeper as 21st Century Muslims about the relationship between the State and the Believer. Hence the Cyber Muslim has to adopt planetery thinking, finding solutions to shared global challenges. For the message of Islam was not sent to one people but to all of mankind.
As always God knows best.